Jophiel wrote:
Someone who wins by large margins in dense areas and loses by only slim margins in rural areas is pretty much the definition of a broad, diverse base of support.
I disagree (shocker, I know!). If that candidate's platform fails to obtain plurality support in those other states, then we can assume that candidate platform as president would also fail to obtain plurality support in those others states (and may in fact, be in direct opposition to the plurality of voters in many or even all of those states). Which would result in a president with an agenda that most states are in opposition to. I've mentioned a few times the issue of states as legal entities desiring to have federal representation that aligns with their own laws and interests rather than being in opposition to them.
Having even a narrow minority in those states is still a minority. As in "the state chose the other candidates platform over yours". You want a president that has a platform that aligns with the most states, not the least. What your supporting effectively results in a small number of states with strong support for a given platform effectively forcing that platform on a much larger number of states that don't agree. Which is worse than the other way around IMO.
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No you don't. You just need to tailor your campaign to specific states to make 270.
Right. Which is more likely to require appealing to a broader set of positions and ideologies than just pursuing a popular vote. The very fact that she failed to get 270 while still winning the popular vote more or less proves my point.
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If Clinton had won with 270 EVs, it's irrelevant under our system if nine people voted in California and literally every man, woman, beast and child voted in Kansas, Pennsylvania, Alaska and Georgia despite the variety of locations they represent. Under a popular vote, Clinton would lose that because she failed to appeal to enough people, not just the right kind of people.
Right. I think we disagree on whether that's good or bad though.
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The simple fact is that there aren't enough people in urban areas to carry an election and anyone will need to appeal to a wide swath of voters.
It's not just about appealing to a wide swath
to some degree. You have to appeal to enough voters in enough states to win 270 or more EC votes. You have to win
pluralities in those states. It's pretty easy to get a decently sized minority for a major party candidate in pretty much any state. Because not all voters in any one state are cookie cuter copies of eachother. The issue is winning a plurality of votes in those states. Because that means that your agenda will be more likely to align with the states, which will *also* reflect what a plurality of voters in that state want their rules to be.
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And, of course, urban voters still are not a monolithic bloc and a popular vote would capture the ignored Republican voter in Brooklyn thus making appealing to that person something of value. Our system, as is, making appealing to that person a waste of time for anyone who is not a Democrat and makes appealing to oil workers in Texas a waste of time if you're not a Republican. It actually disincentivizes spending time on a large number of different people from diverse locations and backgrounds because you're better off targeting states where you're more likely to hit your EC marks.
Sure. But the areas you will focus on will be the battleground states, which are the ones where the candidate and platforms they represent are nearly 50/50 and can thus be swayed. Which means that the candidates have to find ways to appeal to more people in the middle, rather than just doubling down on people who already support them. Trump, for example, had to figure out how to win over blue collar workers, many of them in union jobs and who traditionally vote for the Democrats. Winning by swaying the other sides voters to your own side is probably a good thing for all of us, no matter which "side" we happen to be on, since it requires concessions to groups that are only narrowly on board to start with and thus more likely to swing the other way if you do something like take their vote and then ignore them for the next 4 years you're in office.
The system helps ensure a greater degree of both moderation in our presidents and compliance with (at least some key centrist) campaign promises. I think that's a good thing.
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Trump's huge loss in California isn't simply representative of how much people in Los Angeles and San Francisco love Clinton, it's representative of a tremendous failing on Trump's part to reach a wide variety of people from all different demographics represented in the state. Which is the very thing you claim you're trying to avoid happening. But under our system it's pointless to appeal to those people because losing by 1% is the same as losing by 25%.
Again, I'm not claiming the EC is perfect. I'm claiming that it's still better than a straight popular vote. Because the simple fact is that Trump's message is not going to resonate with the urban hipster crowd SF, nor the UFW folks in the central valley, nor the Hollywood white-guilt-ridden liberals, nor the granola eaters in the Northern forest areas. What he would do is double down on the working class blue collar workers, and the folks angry about losing jobs to illegal immigrants, or those worried about crime, or those worried about the economy, and more or less push for his own base among the voters in California. Under the EC system, he gains nothing by doing that, so he didn't, and thus lost by a huge margin in the state. Under a popular vote system, he would do that, and would certainly have changed the resulting numbers somewhat. But not by appealing to a broader spectrum of voters, but by energizing the ones already inclined to support his message.
It's only in those EC generated battleground states that a candidate has to actually moderate his message to appeal across the aisle. Because politics tends to be more polarized the more one "side" has a large majority in the area IMO. When roughly half of your neighbors and co-workers are liberal and half are conservative, you're more likely to engage in reasoned discourse. and greater odds of voters seeing some validity in the other "sides" position (or being more moderate side-wise themselves). In the heavy majority states? not so much. There are lots of times when I'm out socializing with people where I just pretend I'm a hard core liberal just to fit in and avoid an argument (and I know all the language and positions thanks to you guys!
). I'm sure the same sort of things happen with liberals living in states like Montana, or Oklahoma, or wherever there's a strong conservative presence.
Again though, those aren't the locations where you're likely to win votes by changing people's minds or moderating your own platform in order to appeal to them. You win by mobilizing the folks who are already on your side. And yeah, I'm not sure that's a good thing either.
Edited, Nov 30th 2016 4:23pm by gbaji